Stargazing, discovering new planets, and large telescopes tend to dominate the public imagination about nineteenth-century astronomy. Yet, the everyday tasks of astronomers were less dominated by such an image. In fact, astronomers could find themselves in positions very different from these. A great example of this was the British astronomer George Biddell Airy (1801-1892). After successfully managing the operations of the Cambridge University Observatory, he was appointed Astronomer Royal at the Royal Observatory, Greenwich in 1835. Even though Airy regularly carried out the hands-on observing at Cambridge, the situation at Greenwich was different.
This was partly due to the role of the Astronomer Royal being similar to a public servant. This was reflected in his own characterisation of the role too:
“The business of this Observatory is by no means confined to Technical Astronomy, but implies extensive relations with men of science generally, with officers of the Army and Navy, and with Constructors of Instruments of various kinds.” (Cambridge University Library, Papers of George Airy, Letter from George Airy, 1859, RGO 6/146: 254)
Therefore, Airy did not spend his days in an isolated ivory tower of science. Instead, he actively maintained and organised communities of commerce, industry, military, politics and astronomy.
To demonstrate Airy’s active role in these communities, Cambridge University Library recently digitised Airy’s Astronomer Royal’s Journal, kept during the first 11 years in his new role (from 1836 to 1847). The journal served the purpose of recording the activities at the Observatory as well as the main tasks that Airy was engaged in. From these records we learn that the Observatory was an active social site that accommodated meetings with the Astronomer Royal. Therefore, daily entries read almost like a ship’s log-book that denote the journeys through the sea of science of the time period. Astronomers and men of science “called on” Airy at the Observatory to discuss a variety of issues. Among them were leading names such as Sir David Brewster,[1] Francis Baily, James Challis,[2] James David Forbes,[3] William Lassell, and William Rutter Dawes.[4] The visitors were not exclusively scientists. Influential figures such as Robert Fitzroy,[5] Edward John Dent,[6] William Simms and Bryan Donkin also visited the Observatory.[7] Finally, there were also royal visitors to the Observatory. Princess Sophia Matilda visited the Observatory in 1840 to use one of its telescopes.[8] She similarly inspected the newly erected Magnetic and Meteorological building of the Observatory in 1841.[9] Prince George and the Duchess of Cambridge are also recorded to have visited the Observatory in 1846, though there remains no record of what activities they engaged in.[10]
The site also attracted international visitors. Urbain Le Verrier, the french astronomer known for (co-)discovering Neptune, visited Airy in 1847 to travel together to a meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science in Oxford, and later returned to the Observatory several times during his stay in England.[11] A recurring visitor to the Observatory was Otto Wilhelm Struve from the Russian Empire, who became the director of the Pulkovo Observatory at the height of his career. Airy maintained a very close relationship with the Struve family, eventually becoming the godfather to Otto’s eldest son. For Otto’s visit in 1844, Airy even built a small private observatory within the grounds of the Greenwich Observatory, and the two men attended sessions in the House of Commons together.[12] Such visits help us show that the Observatory served as both the social hub for discussions with the Astronomer Royal, as well as a temporary residence for the weary distinguished astronomers travelling to England. Although not included in the first Journal, it is worth noting here that the American astronomer Maria Mitchell similarly used the Observatory as her residence during her travels, and her travel diaries record the warm hospitality with which the Airy family welcomed her. Her descriptions provide a unique insight into the otherwise private life of the Astronomer Royal and his family.[13]
The position of Astronomer Royal was not a life-sentence to spend one’s days within the confines of the Observatory. Airy’s journal is a great example that demonstrates the extent to which one could be on the road almost all the time. Airy regularly attended the meetings of the Royal Astronomical Society and the Royal Society (eventually becoming the president of both societies during different parts of his career). He similarly visited the workshops of local instrument makers to discuss the manufacturing of instruments for the Observatory.[14] Due to his advisory role to the British Government on matters of science and technology, he visited government offices regularly. In addition, he was directly involved in various government commissions. He headed the Standards Commission (set up to reconstruct the standard weights and measures destroyed when the Houses of Parliament burnt down in 1834), was present at meetings for the Tidal Harbour Commission, and examined the evidence presented at the Railway Gauges Commission. He was also a member of the committees of the University of London, which required him to attend several meetings on its regulations and commissions.[15] These varied roles demonstrate the breadth of expertise that Airy possessed and the regularity with which the British Government called upon his advice.
Airy’s travels were not confined to London. He owned a cottage in the Suffolk countryside where he travelled to every winter. Showing the intimate connection that Airy cherished with this part of England, he was buried in the local Airy family tomb at St Mary’s Church in Playford (a bust inside the church building still stands commemorating his life). Airy was also an enthusiastic traveller, which was reflected in his regular visits to Scotland and to the Lake District.[16] His fondness for Scotland was exemplified best in his extensive topographical analysis of Walter Scott’s The Lady of the Lake, which was even published as an appendix to a special edition.[17] Besides travelling for leisure, he attended scientific meetings around Britain, visited ports in connection with tidal observations and the Harbour Commission, and travelled for projects related astronomical work (such as the measurement of the Longitude of Valentia).[18]
The coasts of England and Scotland did not impose limits on Airy’s mobility. The call of unique astronomical events was a great reason to explore the lands of the European continent, to meet with friends, and to visit observatories to inspect their instrumentation and operations. The solar eclipse of 1842 provided the opportunity for such a visit. Airy left Greenwich on 12 June, observed the eclipse on 8 July in Italy, and returned only on 11 August. Even though the Astronomer Royal’s journal only gives a brief description of the journey, the entries record visits to Milan, Turin, and Brussels.[19] Another continental journey he undertook became relatively infamous. On 10 August 1846, Airy set out on a tour of astronomy around Europe. In the Astronomer Royal’s Journal, he recorded visiting observatories and astronomers at Bonn, Mannheim, Geneve, Gotha, Seeberg, Gottingen, Hannover, Hamburg and Altona. While absent, John Couch Adams and James Challis at Cambridge Observatory began a search mission for a new planet in the solar system. Had Airy stayed in Greenwich, he would have been able to provide help to the two astronomers closing in on the actual position of the celestial body. Meanwhile in France, Urbain Le Verrier was working on the same problem. When he sent his predicted position of the planet to Johann Gottfried Galle at the Berlin Observatory, Galle confirmed the findings with observations, and the two of them announced the discovery of a new planet on 24 September. The news circulated relatively quickly, and Airy’s journal notes that he received the news on 29 September while dining with another astronomer (Peter Andreas Hansen).[20] The findings of Adams were only made public after Airy’s return to Greenwich, which began a controversy around the discovery that lasted for years.
The Astronomer Royal’s Journal demonstrates the vast network of individuals and institutions connected to the everyday life of the Royal Observatory, Greenwich. It showcases the active role that Airy played in maintaining such links, and provides evidence that he implemented strict regulations and a factory mentality into the running of the Observatory in order to keep it functioning even in his absence. The recurring international links highlight that the Observatory has to be understood in its international context. Astronomers and observatories were not isolated from each other. Instead, they welcomed every opportunity to share information with each other, and welcomed weary astronomers on their travels. Among the Airy Papers in the Cambridge University Library, one can still find the letters related to individuals wishing to visit the Observatory, and the multiple name cards left behind by the visitors admitted to the site.[21] Therefore, the digitisation of the Astronomer Royal’s Journal is not the end of a research project, but rather an exercise in opening up new ways to understand and reassess Airy’s life and work.
The author of the article would like to thank Cambridge University Library, Emma Saunders, Huw Jones, and Katrina Dean for the help and support that they provided throughout the digitisation project.
Featured image: Sir George Biddell Airy. Lithograph by T. H. Maguire, 1852. Credit: Wellcome Collection. CC BY
[1] Entry for 29 May 1839 – https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-RGO-00006-00024/83
[2] Entry for 14 December 1838 – https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-RGO-00006-00024/74
[3] Entry for 3 June 1840 – https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-RGO-00006-00024/104
[4] Entry for 18 August 1840 – https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-RGO-00006-00024/108
[5] Robert Fitzroy was captain of HMS Beagle during Charles Darwin’s famous voyage. See entry for 30 January 1837 – https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-RGO-00006-00024/38
[6] Edward John Dent was a famous British watchmaker. Various clocks and chronometers by him were used at the Royal Observatory, Greenwich. See entry for 2 January 1836 – https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-RGO-00006-00024/12
[7] William Simms was an eminent British instrument maker and optician. He made several instruments for Airy and the Royal Observatory, Greenwich. See entry for 26 January 1836 (https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-RGO-00006-00024/15). Bryan Donkin was a leading British engineer who worked on Charles Babbage’s difference engine. See entry for 18 October 1837 (https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-RGO-00006-00024/51).
[8] Entry for 31 July 1840 (https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-RGO-00006-00024/107)
[9] Entry for 17 July 1841 (https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-RGO-00006-00024/126)
[10] Entry for 8 June 1846 (https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-RGO-00006-00024/233)
[11] Entries for 23 June 1847 (https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-RGO-00006-00024/256) and 1 July 1847 (https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-RGO-00006-00024/257)
[12] Entries for 20 May 1844 (https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-RGO-00006-00024/188) and 10 June 1844 (https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-RGO-00006-00024/189)
[13] Phebe Mitchell Kendall (ed.), Maria Mitchell: Life, Letters, and Journals (Boston: Lee and Shepard Publishers, 1896), pp. 95-100 ( https://archive.org/details/mariamitchellli00goog/page/n106)
[14] Entry for 13 February 1836 (https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-RGO-00006-00024/16)
[15] Entry for 27 February 1836 (https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-RGO-00006-00024/17)
[16] Entries for 5 September 1840 (https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-RGO-00006-00024/109) and 9 September 1841 (https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-RGO-00006-00024/129)
[17] Sir Walter Scott, The Lady of the Lake (London: Adam and Charles Black, 1904), pp. 135-154. (https://archive.org/details/cu31924013544402/page/n249)
[18] For travels related to the Longitude of Valentia see entries from 3 July 1844 to 10 August 1844 (https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-RGO-00006-00024/191)
[19] See entries between 12 June 1842 and 11 August 1842 (https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-RGO-00006-00024/145)
[20] See entry for 29 September 1846 (https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-RGO-00006-00024/237)
[21] See the folders ‘Cards of Visitors’, RGO 6/712-714, 1835-1880 and ‘Correspondence on Visitor Admission’, RGO 6/706-711, 1835-1876.